Saturday, 1 June 2013

Why Employers Cannot 'Exploit' Their Laborers

            In a previous post (http://thinkingabouthumansociety.blogspot.ca/2013/05/will-human-labor-become-superfluous.html), I explained why it is extremely unlikely that human labor, even unskilled human labor, will ever become superfluous, and hence why there is no reason for there to be permanent mass involuntary unemployment in a free-market system. Given this, human labor should be conceived of as an ever-scarce, ever-valuable, non-reproducible at will factor of production that is not specific to any particular industry. In this post, I will show how when we correctly conceive of human labor like this, it is clear that on a free-market, it is impossible for employers to ‘exploit’ their labourers.
            
           A labourer is someone who has something to sell, his labor services, to a purchaser that desires it, a producer (or for personal labor services, a consumer). This is similar to, say, someone who seeks to sell uranium to a (private) nuclear power plant owner, who needs it to produce power. What price and terms of sale will the uranium seller and the power plant owner agree on? Well, that depends on what the market price of uranium is, determined by the complex of mutually advantageous exchanges made by all market participants buying and selling uranium and made roughly uniform through the profit-seeking activities of market participants on the lookout for speculative or arbitrage gains on uranium. Neither the power plant owner nor the seller of uranium can unilaterally dictate the price and terms of sale because if they are unacceptable, one of them can find a buyer/seller of uranium elsewhere on the market who will probably be willing to make a deal closer to the market rate.
           
           If we just apply the same analysis to the labor market as we did to the uranium market, both markets for scarce, valuable, non-reproducible at will factors of production, we see how absurd the contention that employers routinely ‘exploit’ their laborers really is. If the power plant owner cannot ‘exploit’ the seller of uranium (and no one, to my knowledge, claims that they do), then why can employers ‘exploit’ sellers of labor services? An employer cannot just unilaterally and arbitrarily dictate the terms of employment and the wage of the laborers in his employ, unless he wishes to end up with no laborers at all. Sellers of labor services, like the sellers of uranium, can always look elsewhere if they are unsatisfied with the current purchaser of their goods/services. Like for uranium, a market price for a specific type of labor will indicate what employers are generally willing to pay for that type of labor and what laborers are generally willing to accept, so that the laborer and the employer know roughly what wage and terms of employment they have to settle on in order to reach a mutually beneficial deal.
           
            In the world of the exploitation myth, market prices are determined for every factor of production except for labor, but once labor is being bought and sold, suddenly price determination becomes a matter of ‘power relations’ and ‘exploitation’ rather than the standard market procedure. This makes no sense, as there is no good reason to assume one method of price determination for material factors of production, and a completely different one for human labor service factors of production.
            
           To this, some would reply that there is a difference. It is claimed that laborers absolutely need to work in order to survive, so they are pressed to sell at whatever terms are currently going. But the business selling uranium absolutely needs to sell its uranium in order to survive as a business, or else it will bring in no revenues and go bankrupt. Similarly, the employer of labor also absolutely needs labor services if his business is to survive, and if his business does not survive, what exactly is he going to be living on? Another contention is that human labor is different because being unemployed is such a traumatic experience and it is hard to find a new job, and thus people seek to avoid the possibility of unemployment even at the cost of being ‘exploited’. But is it really that much easier for a seller of uranium to quickly find a new bulk buyer, or for the employer of labor to seek out and train a new employee to fill the vacant position? Besides, unemployment is scarier currently than it would be in a free-market system because of the institutional wage rigidities created by the minimum wage policies of governments and their tolerance of coercive labor union activities, thus creating a significant amount of institutional unemployment. The government creating the boom-bust cycle through its inflationary policies also creates prolonged periods of high unemployment in the bust phase. Moreover, the government’s inflationary policies, through a sapping of the purchasing power of the worker’s wage, and its policies which discourage capital accumulation, both serve to reduce the real wages of workers, thus making the workers more desperate for work than they otherwise would be.
            
           The existence of unemployment, it is true, creates more of a ‘buyer’s labor market’ where employers have the advantage, when hiring for certain positions, of knowing that there is a pool of eager potential workers seeking jobs to fall back on, and thus tending to make the employers bolder in their demands. But this unemployment is primarily caused by government policies, and government policies sapping the worker’s real wage rates also serve to weaken the worker’s bargaining position. Thus, to claim that this situation is a result of the ‘exploitation of labor’ inherent in a free-market is not correct, when it is interventionist government policies that create many of the problems in the first place.
            
           With this discussion in mind, I will now go on to consider various so-called ‘pro-labor’ laws imposed by interventionist governments. These laws implicitly assume that the exploitation theory is correct and that employers have arbitrary power over their laborers, an arbitrary power that can only be curbed through government action. In fact though, we will see that these laws have one, or more, of three effects: 1. To create institutional unemployment. 2. To raise the price of consumer’s goods. 3. To limit the worker’s employment options.

1. The Minimum Wage: Minimum wage laws are based on the erroneous assumption that employers have the power to pay their employees whatever they want, unless the government intervenes. Their main effect is to create institutional unemployment. By setting a legal minimum price on human labor services, any human labor service not worth more than the minimum price to an employer will not be purchased, and the laborer selling this service will be forced into unemployment. People who can somehow land a job whose wage has been pushed above its market rate by the minimum wage are benefited in their capacity as laborers, but at the expense of laborers forced into unemployment and of consumers who are forced to pay more for the good in question which now requires more expensive labor to produce.

2. Tolerance of Coercive Labor Unions Activities: When a labor union can use its special privileges, granted by the government, to engage in coercive actions such as strikes which physically prevent employers from hiring ‘strike breakers’, they have the power to set a minimum wage above the market rate in their field of operation. When unions are confined to only certain sectors of an economy, they do not directly create unemployment, but rather raise the wages of their members at the expense of forcing other laborers out of the field. These other laborers will presumably now work in another, less optimal field, and through increasing the supply of workers, will decrease the wages of workers in the fields they enter. This can, of course, lead to unemployment if the unions are prevalent economy-wide, or if the forcing of laborers out of the unionised field into non-unionised fields sends the market wage in the non-unionised fields below or further below the government’s minimum wage.

3. Maximum Hour Legislation: This type of legislation imposes a legal cap on the amount of hours per week certain types of laborers are allowed to work for an employer. It is based on the erroneous assumption that employers have the power to make their laborers work however long they want them to, no matter what wage they are paying them for their work. In reality, in most cases such legislation is superfluous, as it is often set at such a level that most laborers probably would not want, or have to, based on market conditions, work for more hours per week than the cap. When it is not superfluous though, it is usually harmful. It limits the worker’s options, preventing him from working more hours per week if he really wants the extra money. If coupled with coercive labor union ‘take-home pay’ demands, where the unions demand shorter hours for their members but the same weekly pay, upon threat of coercive strike, than the effects are the same as an increase in the union-imposed minimum wage rates for their members, discussed above.

4. Mandatory Overtime Legislation: This type of legislation usually provides for a buffer between the legal maximum hours per week and the legal standard work week hours where employers, if they want their laborers to work those extra hours, must pay extra wages, in Canada 1.5 times the normal hourly wage. The assumptions behind it and the effects are similar to Maximum Hour Legislation, except that at least for overtime there is an expensive option for employers who really need the extra hours from their laborers for a certain period. On a free-market, overtime provisions could of course be stipulated in individual employment contracts, but that would be between the laborer and the employer, probably based on the standard market rates and practices with regards to overtime for that kind of job.

5. Mandatory ‘Benefit’ Legislation: Sometimes governments, or coercive labor unions, force employers to provide ‘benefits’ to all of their permanent employees, such as health insurance or unemployment insurance or a pension plan. It is assumed that these are pure gains to the workers, heroically extracted from the grasping, exploiting hands of the employers. In fact, they are just a substitute for the equivalent amount of cash wages. If a minimum wage above the market rate is not in place, employers will tend to just pay less of a laborer’s wages in cash and more in the form of ‘benefits’. If a minimum wage above the market rate is in place, the result of forcing employers to provide ‘benefits’ is a de facto increase in that minimum wage, as on top of the minimum cash wage are added minimum benefits, which cost the employer money just as surely as cash wages do. The result is unemployment and the raising of consumer goods prices, or if employers can hire in such a way that their laborers do not count as full time employees entitled to ‘benefits’, a proliferation of a sub-optimal type of labor relation and less options for the laborer in choosing his terms of employment.

6. Workplace Safety Regulations: These kinds of government regulations mandate that certain pre-cautions to help ensure the safety of the laborers must be set in place by their employers. They are based on the erroneous assumption that employers have the power to put laborers in however dangerous of a workplace that they choose, and the laborers have no power to protest. In fact though, just as laborers do have bargaining power over wages and ‘benefits’ based on the market price for their services, they also have bargaining power over the level of workplace safety, which can be analyzed like a benefit. Employers would have to compete with each other to buy labor services not just based on wages, benefits, and working hours, but also on workplace safety. Probably, on a free-market, third-party ‘workplace safety certification organizations’ would pop-up to rate the workplace safety of a particular employer. Those with a reputation for attention to detail and integrity would be heeded by both laborers and employers, employers seeking to gain as good a workplace safety level with these trusted organizations as was cost-effective and laborers taking the workplace safety level of their potential employers into account when making their decision. Workplace safety regulations take competition and voluntarism out of this process, and simply decree, essentially, that employers must pay the workers less in cash wages and other benefits in order to invest money in meeting the workplace safety regulations. As with benefits, the result is either a lowering of the cash wage in the name of workplace safety or the creation of more institutional unemployment if a minimum wage above the market rate is in place. It is highly likely that workers, on a free-market, would value workplace safety highly and be willing to give up some of their potential cash wage in exchange for it, but under the current system, as with ‘benefits’, they have no choice or discretion in the matter. Moreover, on a free-market, the law should still require employers to disclose any significant known risks of their workplace to the employee, and if they fail to, hold the employer liable for damages should the employee be injured, as the employer would essentially be guilty of fraud. We should not of course, fail to mention most governments’ hypocrisy in this matter, legislating workplace safety regulations for private employers but themselves sending soldiers to be shot at in hostile countries and astronauts on risky space missions.
            
           Thus, it is simply not the case that laborers’ wage rates and terms of employment are determined by employers’ exploitative urges on one hand and governments’ and coercive labour unions’ valiant attempts to curb this exploitation on the other. As with any factor of production, wage rates and terms of employment are determined based on market prices and standard market arrangements for that kind of labor, themselves based on the complex of mutually beneficial exchanges with regards to that labor service made by all market participants. Given this, government ‘pro-labor’ policies are just attempts to set, directly or indirectly, minimum prices for labor services above their free-market prices, which, as with any other kind of price control, lead to unintended effects that most people would not consider desirable.   
              
             
    

                                 

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