There is a difference between the study of Policy, and the
study of Politics. Policy scholars ask: what should the government be doing
with its coercive power? Politics scholars ask: given the current (or
alternative) institutional frameworks and processes of the governing system,
what is it likely that the government will end up doing with its coercive
power? The Policy scholar, implicitly at least, imagines himself in the
position of a kind of supreme dictator, whose policy decisions are
automatically implemented by the government. The Politics scholar does not deal
in these kinds of fantasies, but instead looks at what the people with the
actual power in a society are likely to do. Both forms of study are useful for
the social thinker in different ways. I myself normally take the role of the
Policy scholar, but for this article I am going to wear the hat of a Politics
scholar.
The question I will seek to answer is: what kinds of policies
will a government operating with the institutional structure of representative
democracy, a form of government common in Western countries, be likely to
adopt? The answer, in a nutshell: bad ones! I will attempt to explain why in
this article.
Rules of the Game
Democracy, at its core, is majority rule. Representative
Democracy is majority rule when it comes to electing leaders, but then rule by
the elected leaders at other times. In order to be elected in a democracy,
politicians have to somehow cobble together a coalition of voters to support
them at election time, a coalition that must outnumber the coalitions put
together by rival politicians. Once elected, victorious politicians do not have
to constantly abide by the wishes of the majority of would-be voters, but if
they want to be re-elected, they cannot afford to alienate too many supporters
in between elections.
Two Complementary
Sources of Bad Policy Bias:
1. Rational Voter
Ignorance:
Government has the ability to stick its fingers in many pots;
interfering with many aspects of many different industries and areas of life,
if it so chooses. In a democracy, voters are asked to decide, for every
industry and area of life: 1. whether the government should interfere or not,
and 2. if so, what exactly its intervention should consist of. To intelligently
answer the first question requires at least an understanding of economics and
the other relevant social sciences, and often at least a bit of knowledge about
the industry or area of life in question. If the first question is answered in
the affirmative, to intelligently answer the second question requires detailed,
in-depth knowledge about that industry or area of life.
This is a heck of a lot of knowledge that the voter must
possess if they are to make an intelligent choice. A significant amount of time
and effort would have to be invested in order to even approach the goal of
casting a ballot intelligently, taking all issues into due consideration. Thus,
the costs of voting intelligently are quite high. At the same time, the
benefits of voting intelligently are quite low. This studious, mythical voter’s
choice counts as just one in millions of votes cast. Their highly researched
and informed opinion could well be neutralized by another voter’s choice that
was made based on the hairstyles of the competing party leaders.
Time is money, and most people would rather spend their time
making money or doing something they really enjoy, rather than selflessly
contributing to an infinitesimal increase in the intelligence of the average
vote cast. Hence the phenomena of rational voter ignorance. Due to the major
costs and minor benefits of getting really informed about all the relevant
political issues, it is a rational course of action, for the vast majority of
people, to simply remain uninformed about most political issues.
2. Interest Group
Politics:
If rational voter ignorance is a real phenomena, than why do
we observe so much political activism, so many people getting so involved in
politics? Enter Interest Group Politics. It is irrational, from the point of
view of most people, to get well-informed about all of the relevant political
issues so as to be able to cast a truly intelligent and well-considered ballot.
However, many of these people will find it rational to pick a particular political
issue and really get involved with this issue. Why? Well, the costs of learning
about one political issue, particularly if it’s in an area that you find
particularly interesting, are a lot lower than the costs of learning about all
of the political issues that are at stake in an election (ie. all of them).
And, the benefits of casting a narrowly-informed vote, one that incorporates
knowledge of this one political issue, are much higher than the benefits of
casting a broadly informed vote. This can be for either commercial or personal
reasons.
A commercial interest group seeks to encourage government
policies that will tilt the economic playing field in favour of the interest
group’s members, allowing them to make more money. Some examples include: 1. Domestic
producers groups lobbying for tariffs to exclude foreign competitors; 2.
Professional associations lobbying for licensing restrictions to keep down the
supply of people allowed to do their jobs and thus their own incomes up; 3. Agricultural
groups lobbying for government subsidies for their members’ activities.
As an isolated voter, trying desperately to cast a vote that
reflects the ‘general interest’ of society, you are weak; as a member of a
commercial interest group, voting based on the narrow economic interests of
members of the group, you are strong. The latter is a much more understandable
and personally beneficial way of voting than the former; and grouping together
as an interest group gives the group real clout when it comes to swaying
politicians, something that the isolated voter does not possess.
But not all interest groups are commercial; there are also personal
interest groups. Most people feel that politics should be loftier than the mere
grubbing for personal economic advantage exhibited by the commercial interest
groups. However, the barriers to casting a truly balanced and well-informed
vote remain as high as ever. As a result, the path that many people take is to
pick a few political issues about which they are passionate, for whatever
reason, and then vote based on the candidate’s position on these issues almost
exclusively. These issues are not usually very technical ones, such as monetary
policy, trade policy, subsidies, licensing, or technical tax reform: most
people find such issues to be too dry and boring to learn about, and generally
not things to get very passionate about. Instead, they are issues that people
can confidently form opinions about fairly easily, and that arouse people’s
passions. Such issues include: 1. Abortion 2. Gay Marriage 3. Should we invade
Country X? 4. Environmentalism. 5. Universal Healthcare. 6. University tuition
fees. 7. Labor Unions. 8. Redistribution of Wealth. 9. Racism/Sexism.
Many political commentators applaud people who get involved
with these personal interest groups for their alleged ‘civic engagement’ and ‘public
spiritedness’. Actually though, voting based almost exclusively on your
official or unofficial membership in such groups is almost as narrow as voting
based almost exclusively on membership in a commercial interest group. It seems
less greedy and crass, but unfortunately the actual results are almost the
same: an overly narrow political focus leading to bad policy results overall.
Imagine that a politician cobbles together a winning
coalition of the following commercial and personal interest groups: domestic
steel producers, dairy farmers, the auto workers union, the anti-abortion
group, the anti-gay marriage group, and the environmentalists. The policies
that he will probably have to promise are: 1. Higher tariffs on foreign steel.
2. Higher subsidies to dairy farmers. 3. Legislation to give the auto workers
union leaders more power or leverage in negotiations. 4. To make abortion a
criminal offence. 5. To not recognize gay marriage legally. 6. To legislate
tougher standards on industrial emissions and to set aside more areas as
national parks.
There are three serious problems with this platform. First, many
of these policies will end up harming either the general consumer of goods or
services by making them more expensive, or the general taxpayer who must fund
these policies, or both. These general groups are not suitable interest groups;
and hence their interests have little chance of being protected via the
political process. Second, what if you are a voter that, for instance, wants
abortion to be legal but that also wants tougher standards on industrial
emissions? Should he vote for the candidate or not? Such a voter will be forced
into a ‘lesser of two evils’ voting scenario, and the part of his opinion that
did not determine his vote will be disregarded by the politicians. Third, this platform does not deal at all adequately
with all of political issues facing the government to be elected, nor does any
real political platform. The politician has already made his coalition, so
there is no need to promise any additional policies. Political issues not
addressed, such as monetary policy, can simply be decided by the elected
politician at will, without any democratic input, in whichever way serves his
interests.
Thus, due to the nature of democratic politics, voters
segment themselves into various commercial and personal interest groups, who
consider politics exclusively from the point of view of their own narrow
economic interests or pet personal issues of interest. Coalitions of these
narrow interest groups that politicians cobble together are in no way a
substitute for broad, well-considered, and well-informed voting, aimed at
promoting the ‘general interest’, by the majority of voters. Unfortunately, due
to the phenomena of rational voter ignorance, the latter is not achievable, and
hence democracies will always be dominated by narrow interest groups. The
result will be that the general interests of citizens will be routinely
sacrificed to narrow special economic interests and to narrow, tunnel-vision
perspectives on emotional issues, such that almost everyone in the society will
be made worse off by the totality of the democratic process.
Alternatives:
So democracy has some serious problems: but what are the
alternatives? Authoritarian systems are also dominated by interest groups; the
main difference is that access to firepower and fighters replaces the number of
voters at its disposal as a measure of interest group power (access to money is
important to interest groups in both systems).
One alternative, tried by the US in its earlier years, is limited
government, or ‘fenced-in democracy’. Here, the system is democratic, but the
government is only permitted to interfere in a limited number of industries and
areas of life. A written document, the Constitution, is what is supposed to
limit the government to these areas. The problem is that a piece of paper has
no real power to limit government. Through a series of constitutional
amendments, changes in public opinion, and creative ‘interpretations’ by the US
Supreme Court, most of the limits originally placed on the US federal
government were pretty much eviscerated by the end of the 1930s. The democratic
system broke through its fences, and there is no reason to believe that the
fate of any future experiments in limited government would be any different.
Another alternative is to attempt to do away with the idea of
having a centralized, monopolistic government entirely. The free-market would
reign supreme in all areas, including in the provision of law and the
protection of person and property against aggression, areas long thought to be the
core, fundamental functions of any government. A combination of private
security forces, ‘crime insurance’ and ‘contract insurance’ companies, ‘personal
reliability’ rating agencies, and private arbitration firms could conceivably
perform these functions in a society without a government. One could of course
think of a number of problems that might arise with such an institutional
structure, the analysis of which would concern Politics scholars. But given how
flawed democratic systems are, the question is: which institutional structure
would result in the more serious problems, democracy or a Stateless society? I,
for one, am not sure what the answer to this question is, but I do know that
the question deserves a lot more attention than it has currently been given.
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