Sunday, 20 April 2014

Critique of George Soros' 'The Crisis of Global Capitalism: Open Society Endangered

George Soros, The Crisis of Global Capitalism[1].

Chapter 1: Fallibility and Reflexivity

Soros: “Fallibility means that our understanding of the world in which we live is inherently imperfect. Reflexivity means that our thinking actively influences the events in which we participate and about which we think. Because there is always a divergence between reality and our understanding of it, the gap between the two, which I call the participants’ bias, is an important element in shaping the course of history. The concept of open society is based on the recognition of our fallibility. Nobody is in possession of the ultimate truth.” 4

Brian: Ok, fair enough so far.


Chapter 2: A Critique of Economics

Soros: “There is a prevailing belief that economic affairs are subject to irresistible natural laws comparable to the laws of physics. This belief is false.” 28

Brian: True, economic laws are nothing like the laws of physics. Most importantly, there are no constant, quantitative relations in economic affairs, while there are in physics. But qualitative economic laws that are almost certainly going to be true in every realistic scenario are valuable tools of cognition and should not be ignored. For instance, free-market economists say that if a maximum price control is set on a product that exceeds what the free-market price of that product would have been, shortages of that good will be created and its production will be discouraged. Shortages will be created because at the government-mandated price that is lower than the free-market price would have been; the quantity of the product demanded at that price will exceed the quantity of that product supplied at that price. Not everyone with a demand at that price will be satisfied; this being the definition of a shortage in economic terms. In addition, the production of that product will be discouraged by the imposition of the maximum price, other things equal. This is because at the mandated price, production of that good will most likely not be as profitable as the production of other goods whose prices have not been controlled by the government. Producers will most likely shift to the production of these other goods in their search for profits, and production of the price-controlled good will consequently be discouraged, thus exacerbating the initial shortage problem.

This economic law is a qualitative law. It does not say how severe of a shortage will be created, or how much production of the product will be discouraged by a maximum price control of a specified magnitude. It is thus unlike a physical law in this respect.

In addition, it is theoretically possible, though highly unlikely, for the predicted effect to fail to appear, due to countervailing, subjective forces. For instance, if enough consumers suddenly reduced their demand for the price controlled good as soon as the control was imposed, perhaps because they are ultra-loyal to their government or because they wanted to try to prove the economists wrong, than shortages might not develop. Similarly, if producers kept on producing the good in the same quantity even after the control was imposed, because they value the psychic satisfaction of pleasing their government or trying to prove the economists wrong more than the monetary profits that they will have to forego, than the production of the price-controlled good would not be discouraged. However, it is scarcely necessary to even finish describing such scenarios before dismissing them as near impossibilities, based on what we know about human nature and motivation in general.

Thus, while economic laws are not quantitatively-precise or absolute laws, they should not be ignored by policy makers lightly. A government that dismissed the reasoning of the economists and the millennia of negative experiences regarding maximum price controls could certainly try once again to impose a maximum price control without harmful effects, but they should not be surprised when their attempt fails dismally.   


Soros: “Economic and social events, unlike the events that preoccupy physicists and chemists, involve thinking participants. And thinking participants can change the rules of economic and social systems by virtue of their own ideas about these rules. The claims of economic theory to universal validity become untenable once this principle is properly understood. This is not just an intellectual curiosity. For if economic forces are not irresistible and if economic theories are not scientifically valid – and never can be – the entire ideology of market fundamentalism is undermined.” 29

Brian: Right, and as explained above, it is theoretically conceivable that a change in the thinking of the consumers could frustrate the predictions of the economists regarding the effects of imposing a maximum price control above the free-market price. But given what we know about humanity, in many cases this is just an ‘intellectual curiosity’. Would you really maintain that the theoretical teachings of free-market economics regarding the effects of imposing maximum price controls are worthless because of the incredibly slim possibility of a radical and unprecedented shift in consumer thinking preventing these effects from occurring? This would be a very impractical and pedantic attitude to take. Just because something isn’t absolutely, universally valid beyond a shadow of a doubt, doesn’t make it worthless. Quantum physicists have challenged the universal validity of Newtonian physics, but surely no one would describe Newtonian physics as worthless. Knowledge of ‘imperfect’ Newtonian physics is what enabled the construction of the machines and vehicles that have radically improved our lives over the past few centuries.


Soros: “When sellers know how much they are willing to supply at each price and buyers know how much they are willing to buy, all that needs to happen to achieve equilibrium is for the market to find the unique price that matches demand and supply. But what if price movements themselves change the willingness of buyers and sellers to trade their goods at given prices, for example, because they expect the price to rise further in the near future?” 37

Brian: Then the constellation of supply and demand will change and the equilibrium point will change? I don’t see what the problem here is. In Austrian economist Murray Rothbard’s explanation of the pricing process, he explicitly includes speculative factors as determinants of supply and demand. Just because supply and demand schedules are determined by complicated factors does not mean that the theory of pricing based on supply and demand considerations is flawed.


Chapter 3: Reflexivity in Financial Markets

Soros: “In the initial stage, the trend is not yet recognized. Then comes the period of acceleration when the trend is recognized and reinforced by the prevailing bias. A period of testing may intervene when prices suffer a setback. If the bias and trend are maintained, both emerge stronger than ever. Then comes the moment of truth when reality can no longer sustain the exaggerated expectations, followed by a twilight period when people continue to play the game although they no longer believe in it. Eventually a crossover point is reached when the trend turns down and the bias is reversed, which leads to a catastrophic acceleration in the opposite direction, commonly known as the crash.” 52

Soros: “Economic theory has actually promoted the tendency toward equilibrium by ignoring reflexivity and emphasizing the importance of fundamentals. By contrast, my argument leads to the conclusion that markets cannot be left to their own devices. Awareness of reflexivity only serves to increase instability unless the authorities are equally aware and intervene when the instability threatens to get out of hand.” 58

Brian: Your argument is overly simplistic. It blames herd-like investors for creating boom-bust financial cycles and looks to the government to act as a stabilizing force. This ignores the fact that government monetary and banking policies have been the prime contributors, throughout history, to financial instability and boom-bust cycles. Often, credit expansion, encouraged by the government, is what leads to the unrealistic expectations of investors in the first place. Credit expansion makes one investment sector artificially profitable through funnelling easy money heavily to it, thus creating a bubble. When credit expansion slows or is redirected, this bubble will burst as reality reasserts itself. Does the herd mentality of many investors exacerbate this kind of instability? Absolutely. But to downplay the government’s role in creating financial instability and to leave it the task of ‘stabilizing’ the financial markets is misleading and somewhat naïve.

Why should politicians care about financial stability? All they are interested in is having seemingly good economic conditions prevail during their short term in office. If they must create a bubble or a boom to accomplish this, at the expense of creating the conditions for a bust during the term of their successor, then so be it. Besides, even if government officials were interested in financial stability, how are they supposed to know if a given financial trend is an irrational speculative mania, or a beneficial adjustment to changed market conditions? You rightly pointed out that the assumption of perfect knowledge amongst market participants is incredibly unrealistic. So why should we assume that government officials have the perfect knowledge that they would need to ‘correct’ the market instead? How is that any more realistic?


Chapter 4: Reflexivity in History

Soros: “A transactional society undermines social values and loosens moral constraints. Social values express a concern for others. They imply that the individual belongs to a community, be it a family, a tribe, a nation, or humankind, whose interests must take precedence over the individual’s self-interests. But a transactional market economy is anything but a community. Everybody must look out for his or her own interests and moral scruples can become an encumbrance in a dog-eat-dog world. In a purely transactional society, people who are not weighed down by any consideration for others can move around more easily and are likely to come out ahead.” 75

Brian: One does not have to be a collectivist in order to be concerned about others. One can care about the interests of fellow family members, tribesmen, nationals, or other humans, without becoming a subordinate pawn of The Family, The Tribe, The Nation, or Humankind. In fact, often the supposed ‘interests’ of these collective entities are simply the selfish interests of the collective’s leaders in disguise.  

Soros says that people who don’t care about others are ‘likely to come out ahead’ in a purely transactional society (ie. a free-market society). Come out ahead, in terms of what? In what sense can we say that the person who only cares directly about himself is ‘ahead’ of the person who also cares about others in a free-market society? These people have different preferences, and in a free-market society they are free to pursue these different preferences, more or less successfully depending on how competent they are. The first person can spend his earned money directly on himself and attain gratification in that way, the second person can spend some of his earned money on others and attain some of his gratification in that manner. It is impossible for us to say which of these people will end up with a higher sense of psychic well-being, because one cannot compare psychic well-being interpersonally.

Perhaps Soros meant to say that selfish people will be able to accumulate more money, in their capacity as producers in a free-market society, than unselfish people. The trouble is that it is hard to judge which producer is being more ‘selfish’ than others in their market conduct. For instance, is it selfish of an efficient producer to set his prices lower than that of his less efficient competitors? One could say that the efficient producer’s actions show that he doesn’t care about the well-being of his competitors, but one could also say that the efficient producer’s actions show that he does care about the well-being of his customers, whom he is offering his goods at lower prices to. We can only really say that a producer is acting selfishly when he seeks an advantage for himself at the expense of both his competitors and the consumers. And yet, in a free-market economy, opportunities for doing so are relatively rare. It is in an interventionist economy where producers have all kinds of chances to seek special governmental privileges for themselves at the expense of their competitors and consumers.  Seekers of government subsidies, seekers of laws restricting entry into the industry or profession to one’s competitors, seekers of tariff protection, seekers of monopolistic franchises, etc… are all producers who can be said to be acting pretty selfishly, more so than producers acting on a purely free-market. In this light, it is the economy hampered by all kinds of government interventions that is more of a ‘dog-eat-dog-world’ than the pure free-market economy.  

Can’t free-market producers attempt to sell their customers shoddy products at over-inflated prices, and thus act selfishly in that regard? They can certainly try, but as any leader of an established business firm will tell you, the firm’s reputation for honesty and quality is one of its most important business assets, an asset that it is not wise to impair for the sake of fleeting short-term gains.
Thus, the common complaint that a free-market society will necessarily dominated by ‘selfishness’ and a ‘dog-eat-dog mentality’ is in many respects faulty.       


Chapter 6: The Global Capitalist System

Soros: “A key feature of fundamentalist beliefs is that they rely on either/or judgments. If a proposition is wrong, its opposite is claimed to be right. This logical incoherence lies at the heart of market fundamentalism. State intervention in the economy has always produced some negative results. This has been true not only of central planning but also of the welfare state and of Keynesian demand management. From this banal observation, market fundamentalists jump to a totally illogical conclusion: If state intervention is faulty, free markets must be perfect. Therefore the state must not be allowed to intervene in the economy. It hardly needs pointing out that the logic of this argument is faulty.” 127-128

Soros: “Market fundamentalism plays a crucial role in the global capitalist system. It provides the ideology that not only motivates many of the most successful participants but also drives policy. In its absence, we would not be justified in talking about a capitalist regime. Market fundamentalism came to dominate policy around 1980, when Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher came to power more or less simultaneously.” 128

Brian: I can’t think of even one thinker who has ever said that the free-market is ‘perfect’. Even anarcho-capitalist thinkers, who believe that the State shouldn’t exist at all and that the free-market is better than state intervention in all areas, don’t claim that the free-market is ‘perfect’. They just argue that the costs of government intervention always exceed the benefits, not that the free-market is ‘perfect’ by some mysterious standard of perfection. As for the neoclassical economists whom Soros is referring to, they tend to advocate for government control of the monetary and banking system and for heavy government involvement in the education system and in the provision of so-called ‘public goods’. These hardly seem like the political positions of people who think that ‘free markets must be perfect’ in all areas and that the state should never intervene in the economy.        

The fact is that, in order to take a complete political position, one must specify how much government intervention, of what nature, one is willing to support in each area of the economy. If one comes to the conclusion that in most areas of the economy, government intervention is counterproductive, and thus that only very limited government interventions in specified sectors should be supported, this is not a mark of being a ‘market fundamentalist’. As I wrote in an earlier post:

“If someone thinks and can persuade others that the science of economics demonstrates that measure A leads to ends B and C, while measure B leads to ends D and E, and this person values ends B and C higher than he values ends D and E, then it doesn’t matter how many times these judgements favour the free-market, while shunning government economic intervention. To simply proclaim that someone’s scientific and value judgements cannot be correct because taken together, they constitute an ‘extreme’ position on the free-market versus government economic control spectrum, is to abdicate all responsibility for actually analyzing these scientific and value judgements yourself. In fact, who is more ‘extreme’, the person who makes a separate scientific and value judgement on each issue as they come up, or the person who dismisses the need for such judgements by proclaiming that the ‘moderate’ position must be right? The latter would seem to be the attitude closer to religious dogma, and the former closer to the attitudes of science.”[2] 

This idea of ‘market fundamentalists’ ruling the modern world is an indefensible interpretation of history. Government’s role in the US economy did not shrink significantly under Reagan, and has not shrunk since. Government spending as a percent of GDP in the US now and in the 1980s was significantly higher than it was in the 1960s. This is hardly a sign of a shift in policy orientation towards ‘market fundamentalism’. This pervasive myth impedes clarity of thought on modern political issues, and thus should be discarded forthwith.   

Chapter 8: How to Prevent Collapse

Soros: “Whatever currency regime prevails, it is bound to be flawed. Freely fluctuating currency rates are inherently unstable because of trend-following speculation; moreover the instability is cumulative because trend-following speculation tends to grow in importance over time. On the other hand, fixed exchange rate regimes are dangerous because break-downs can be catastrophic. The Asian crisis is a case in point. I often compare currency arrangements with matrimonial arrangements: Whatever regime prevails, its opposite looks more attractive.” 184

Soros: “A major experiment is currently under way in Europe: the creation of a single currency. It is based on the belief, which I share, that in the long run you cannot have a common market without a common currency. I believe, however, that the design of the euro is flawed because in the long run you cannot have a common currency without a common fiscal policy, including some kind of centralized tax collection or tax redistribution.” 184-185

Brian: How about an international gold standard? Currencies wouldn’t be unstable with regards to one another because there would only be one currency for the whole world: gold. This would facilitate international trade and international financial transactions and would eliminate the pervasive risk of currency fluctuations that will always exist under a national paper money system. With one currency for the whole world, one immune to hyperinflationary destruction, there would be no question of ‘catastrophic’ currency break-downs. Thus, an international gold standard would avoid the problems that Soros identifies with floating rate and fixed rate national paper money systems, while providing all kinds of other important monetary benefits as well.

If we want the world to be a common market, than a common currency would greatly help, as Soros himself recognizes. Gold served as just such a currency during the 19th and early 20th centuries. Why could it not do so again? Soros thinks that countries with a common currency must have a common fiscal policy. This is only true if central banks are empowered to print units of the currency in order to facilitate the excessive deficit spending of profligate governments within the currency zone, as the European Central Bank does. In that case, a common monetary policy results in resources being redistributed from countries with more responsible governments to governments with more profligate governments. This is clearly an unsustainable arrangement, replete with perverse incentives. Under a real international gold standard, there would be no central bank with the power to ‘print’ gold and use it to help fund the activities of profligate governments. Thus, there is really no need for the countries using gold as their currency to adopt a common fiscal policy.    


Brian’s General Comments:  While Soros’ book does present some interesting ideas and interpretations, it is frustratingly vague on its concrete policy recommendations. Soros champions the idea of an ‘Open Society’, but his main definition of such a society is one based on the idea of human fallibility. This nebulous definition is never really fleshed out in the form of concrete policy recommendations, with the exception of some tentative suggestions for how to better regulate international financial markets.

Soros, armed with his concept of fallibility, argues that both the market mechanism and the democratic political process are flawed. Well, of course they are, nothing created by imperfect humans is going to be perfect, and what is perfection anyway? But the pressing political question is: how much should the government intervene in each area of the economy? Evasive answers about human fallibility and institutional imperfection will not do. The question must be answered in a straightforward manner, using all of our relevant social scientific knowledge, and in light of all of our personal value judgements.    



 





[1] George Soros, The Crisis of Global Capitalism: Open Society Endangered (New York: PublicAffairs, 1998).
[2] Brian David, Thinking Like a Libertarian, Part 1, Tip #22: Beware the Tyranny of Moderation.

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