Saturday 16 February 2013

How To Think About Social Issues: Tips 3-4


3. Don’t neglect the benefits of exchange and the division of labour:
Based on the action axiom stated in tip #1 (that humans act in an attempt to substitute a less satisfactory state of affairs for a more satisfactory state of affairs, from their own subjective point of view), we can deduce the following axiom that also cannot be denied by anyone: that when a voluntary exchange is made between two parties, both parties must expect to gain, at the time of making the exchange, or else the exchange would not have been made. Thus, if John gives Jim $1 in exchange for one of Jim’s pineapples, John must expect that he will benefit more from having a pineapple than he would from having $1. The great potential benefits that could be realized through the simple act of an interpersonal exchange of goods that are valued differently by the two parties should not be ignored or thrown away lightly.

 It could be objected that it is conceivable that John could have made a mistake, perhaps realizing after the exchange that he did not actually like pineapples as much as he remembered he did and thus if he could turn back the clock, given his new knowledge, he would not have made the exchange. While this is true, there is, however, no reason to believe that such situations would be very common, because people like John will quickly change their exchanging conduct in the future once they realize that their valuations have changed. There is even less reason to believe that any outside observer could have the capacity to recognize John’s subjective-valuational mistakes quicker than John himself.  

The benefits of interpersonal exchange are supplemented by the fact that the division of labour among more people is more efficient than autarchic production. First, if someone specializes in performing a task, preferably a task for which he has a natural propensity, he will generally become more efficient at performing that task than if he had remained a generalist. Secondly, and more remarkably, even if one person is superior in every kind of production to another, it is still more productive for the two to exchange because time and effort are scarce. Thus, if the superior person specializes in his comparative advantage (the area of production in which he is most superior to others) while the inferior person specializes in his comparative advantage (the area of production in which he is least inferior to others), the total amount of production can be increased, simply through the two specializing and exchanging their products. It is due to these facts that societies of humans developed, because peaceful societies that enable exchange, specialization, and the division of labour are more productive than autarchic isolation. None of these things require war or coercion to attain, all they require is that the people involved realize the fact that peaceful social cooperation and exchange is more productive and act on this fact. One should thus consider the matter very carefully before proposing to interfere with these beneficial, primordial phenomena through coercion.


4. Incentives matter:
The way the free-market works, and indeed any system of production must work, is to provide incentives for people to produce things that others want to be produced. In the free-market, producers are incentivized to produce things that the consumers are willing to pay for (Note: most people are both producers and consumers), because the consumers monetarily reward them for doing so through their numerous decisions to patronize or not patronize a business, buy or not buy a product. People are incentivized to work in lines that the consumers deem important, save resources to devote to future production, invest in lines that the consumers deem important, and successfully bear the uncertainty of the future, being rewarded for anticipating future demands of the consumers or adjusting production so as to better reflect consumer desires. In the free-market, the incentives that the consumers offer to exercise their sovereignty over the production process take the form of monetary rewards. Producers may partially disregard the consumer in their use of resources for the sake of psychic gains (such as a decision not to get involved in the liquor industry for subjective moral reasons, even though doing so would be the most monetarily profitable course), but doing so means forfeiting some of the monetary reward they would have received.

Now, if people, in their capacity as producers, receive monetary rewards depending on how well they serve the consumers, then it must follow that inequality of wealth and incomes is a necessary part of the free-market incentive system, it cannot be otherwise. Whenever money is taken coercively from the producer for the benefit of others, this incentive system is consequently weakened by the extent of the money taken. In a fully egalitarian socialist system, this incentive system is completely destroyed, and the government must then use punishment and the threat of punishment to get people to produce. Without being slaves of the government though, the more money that is taken from the wealthy and given to less wealthy people, the less the market system of production can function efficiently. This is not to say that a sound social thinker cannot advocate any redistributive policies, only that when doing so, he cannot neglect the effects of these policies on the incentive structure of the free-market system of production.

3 comments:

  1. Hard to argue, however I feel I am being dragged down a path I am getting uncomfortable with. For example, if the government believes that knowledge of science and technology will be of benefit in the future to society as a whole, then they should institute policies to encourage young people to go into the sciences. The young people may have no current economic motivation to go into sciences, because the field is not yet developed. The government artificially kickstarts things, and we are all better off.

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  2. An interesting example you have brought up, but also a somewhat complicated one in that there are two major issues involved in it at the same time.
    The first issue is: can the government be expected to sometimes be a better entrepreneur than private entrepreneurs? This aspect is clearer if we change the example to: ‘the government believes that greater varieties of frozen, microwaveable meals will be of benefit in the future to society as a whole, so they should institute policies to encourage and subsidize this industry’. Here, the government is making an entrepreneurial call that resources currently locked up in other industries would be better used in the frozen meal industry, and so they take money in taxes from the general public to subsidize the frozen meal industry. It is not beyond the realm of possibility that the government will make a correct entrepreneurial call, and consumers (if there was some extra-market way of determining this, which there isn’t) would be better off with the new resource allocation mandated by the government. There is, however, no particularly good reason to believe that the government will tend to make better entrepreneurial calls than private sector actors, and a couple of good reasons to believe that the government will tend to be less successful.
    Firstly, private entrepreneurs have to convince individual investors to invest in their businesses, while the government can just take investment money through general taxation. There is a beneficial built-in check on the enthusiasm of the private entrepreneurs, namely, the willingness of investors, who do not particularly want to lose their money, to invest in the business. This will usually require a well-formulated business plan on the part of the entrepreneur, and the investor will then consult his own individual tolerance for risk and his own entrepreneurial judgement to decide on whether to invest or not. For the government, the only substitute for such a check is that of democratic elections, which are typically infrequent, blunt, unfocused (ie. deal with too many issues at once), and do not have the same level of responsiveness to the wishes and financial preferences of individual ‘government investors’, ie. taxpayers, as private entrepreneurs must. Other things equal, this will tend to result in a more cavalier use of taxpayers’ money by the government than of individual investors’ money by private entrepreneurs

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  3. Secondly, once in possession of the resources, government bureaucrats will have less direct monetary incentives (tip #4) than private investors and entrepreneurs to invest the money in a way that eventually satisfies the consumer, for the simple reason that government bureaucrats do not bear anywhere near the full financial brunt of their investment decisions like direct investors and entrepreneurs do. Also, unless it acts exactly as a private investor would, trying to make the highest monetary return on their investment, the government will not have same ability to calculate economically (see tip #5) as private investors and entrepreneurs would, tending to result in a more politicized approach to investment rather than one based implicitly on how best to serve the consumers as tends to be adopted by private investors and entrepreneurs. For these reasons, there is no good reason to believe that in general, the government will be a better entrepreneur than private actors, and several reasons why the opposite would be the case.
    The second issue is related to the actual industry chosen for the example itself: science and technology. Here, as alluded to briefly in the last paragraph of tip #1, there is a case of potentially great positive externalities, that is, benefits flowing from the economic action of one actor to members of society at large that are not being captured monetarily very completely by the former, and thus might not enter as fully as we might like into his incentive structure. Without a patent, the innovative scientist or technologist basically captures fame and prestige for himself as well as some potentially quite short-term first-mover advantages from being the first to be able to market his innovation. When other market participants start copying his idea though, most monetary advantages the original innovator gained from his innovation are dissipated throughout the market society. There is nothing wrong, per se, with this situation: others benefit from the actions of their fellow man all the time without fully paying for it. The worry is that because the internal, material benefits to the innovator are so few compared to the potentially vast external benefits of the innovation, innovations of this kind may tend to be relatively ‘under-produced’. Thus, patents or subsidies might be used to help the innovator capture more of the benefits of his innovation (in the case of patents) or to artificially stimulate the field of science and technology through extra-market payments (in the case of subsidies).
    As I will talk about in more detail in a future post, the positive externalities argument is one that can be pushed too far and can be used to justify almost any government intervention, namely because there is no way of actually measuring the existence or extent of these externalities. Also, there is no guarantee that the government intervention might not create more problems than it solves, as all of the negative consequences and tendencies of government intervention still hold, even when the proclaimed purpose of the intervention is the seemingly benign one of ‘correcting an externalities problem’. Still, an argument could certainly be made for limited government intervention in fields where the positive externalities are fairly obvious, such as science and technology, as long as we keep in mind all of the limitations and negative effects of government action and weigh the costs and benefits accordingly.
    At the end of the day, it is not my intent with these tips to absolutely proscribe any government policies, just to try and point out as many relevant factors that must be considered when thinking about the costs and benefits of such policies as possible, which should help people make more informed policy decisions.

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