27. Don’t forget about capital:
One of the most important, and unfortunately,
one of the most neglected, aspects of economic theory is the study of the role
of capital in the economy. Since the very beginning of human history, all
economic progress has been driven by capital accumulation, or the employing of
presently available effort and resources in order to improve the efficiency of
future production rather than in order to increase present consumption. As an
example, imagine a tribe of prehistoric men. They spend all of their time
gathering berries in order to sustain themselves. Now, imagine that one member
of the tribe decides to work very hard to accumulate as many berries as he
possibly can for a week. Imagine that he does not consume all of the berries that he gathered that week, but rather saves some of them to sustain himself
for the next week. The next week, freed temporarily from the necessity of
constantly gathering berries, he uses his time and labor to gather the relevant
materials and assembles a flint hand axe for himself. Thus, using the berries
he saved the last week, he uses them
to invest in the creation of a hand
axe, which then allows him to be more productive, allowing him to hunt game and
clear away brush from his path far easier, which allows him to fulfil his
future consumption and production needs more efficiently.
In this example, we assumed that the
prehistoric man has the requisite technological knowledge necessary to craft a
flint hand axe. We could, more unrealistically, also assume that he has the
technological knowledge necessary to build a wooden house. In order to build
the house though, much more saving is needed for this more complicated
investment. Trees must be felled, bindings made, the house assembled, and to do
all this, certain tools such as axes must be made in sufficient quantities. If
the prehistoric man, once the hand axe had been made, used it to improve his
output of food production, but just went back to his old pattern of consuming
everything he had produced, than there is no way that the house could be built,
even if he has the technical knowledge in his head. Furthermore, eventually the
hand axe would wear out, and unless the man again saved some of his produced
food to enable him to repair or replace the axe, he would eventually lose the
use even of the axe. When this happens, this is known as capital consumption,
the opposite of capital accumulation. Indeed, the availability of capital very
often is a more important factor for economic growth than technological
progress. It is not the lack of knowledge of how to build a tractor in India
that prevents Indian farmers from substituting their hand tools for tractors,
this knowledge can be learned easily enough by training a few engineers in
western schools. It is the scarcity of capital that disallows this.
In a complex exchange economy,
everyone can participate in saving and investment and the capital thus
accumulated tends to benefit everyone in the economy, even those who don’t save
themselves. A man who has saved enough resources to have a piece of machinery
built for himself needs someone to operate that machinery for him. A person
hired to do so may or may not be a saver himself, but in either case he too
benefits from the saving of the machine owner. The machine owner’s saving
allowed that machine to be built, and the existence of more machines makes the
laborer’s (in this case a machine operator) labor more productive and hence more
valued. A laborer who works in a structure of production where, due to a
relatively greater supply of capital goods (tools), his labor can bring into
existence 100 tons of refined plastic will tend to receive a higher wage than a
laborer who works in a structure of production where, due to a relatively
smaller supply of capital goods, his labour can bring into existence only 10
tons of refined plastic, even if the laborer himself does not own the plastic.
This is because entrepreneurs compete for scarce labour and, the more
productive the labourer; the higher entrepreneurs can profitably bid for their
labour services. Thus, savers, workers, and consumers alike all benefit from
more saving and investment, capital accumulation, in the economy.
Thus, from the flint hand axe to the
factory equipment of the industrial revolution, capital accumulation has raised
the standards of living of successive generations of humans and their
descendants. Security of property rights is a factor that has proved a good
inducement to capital accumulation throughout history. There are a couple of
reasons for this. Firstly, someone will not save his resources for future
production if he is uncertain whether those resources will be his in the
future. Thus, whether it was medieval peasants faced with expropriation by marauding Viking bands, or modern businessmen faced with expropriation by
socialistic nation-states, the threat of expropriation always induces less
capital accumulation, while its opposite, the sanctity of property under a
regime of freedom, induces more. Second, with greater economic freedom comes greater opportunities to invest capital. In the 19th century,
capital accumulated in Europe could be freely invested all around the world and
in a whole plethora of different production processes. With greater opportunity
for profit comes greater inducement to accumulate and invest capital and greater benefits for the consumer as a result of investing that capital. Thirdly,
with the sound monetary regime that would exist under a property-respecting
regime and its consequent lack of significant price inflation, there would be
no particular inducement to consume monetary resources faster due to their
value getting sucked up by money-printing governments over time, nor would
capital-squandering business cycles be set in motion. The same can be said for
taxes such as the capital gains tax and estates tax, for these particular taxes
serve as direct deterrents to capital accumulation. Throughout history,
governments have mostly intervened in favour of capital consumption, not
capital accumulation. Inflation, taxes on capital, threats of expropriation, and
siphoning savings into government consumption through government bonds, social
security plans, and public pension schemes are all examples of this. Thus, we could reasonably expect greater
capital accumulation, and thus more rapid material economic progress, under a
regime that respects property rights and economic freedom more. This is a
factor that simply cannot be ignored by anyone who wants to rationally assess
the desirability of policies that could result in less capital accumulation or
capital consumption.
28. If you choose to make general assumptions about human
nature, do not make exceptions for some groups without a good reason:
Across
centuries and millennia, philosophers have debated about whether humans are by
nature ‘good’, by nature ‘evil’, or whether their ‘goodness’ or ‘evilness’
depends on their education and environment. Whichever assumption you subscribe
to, if any, be sure to apply it across the board to all humans in your social
analysis, unless you have a very good reason for believing that a certain group
will differ significantly from the norm.
An example
of a line of argument that depends on different assumptions about human nature
being arbitrarily assigned to different groups is the following made by
supporters of government economic intervention and bureaucracy: Capitalists
(usually meaning relatively high ranking people in the world of private
business) are egotistical, crass, and unscrupulous, caring only about enriching
themselves and willing to do anything, legal or illegal, honest or dishonest,
to do so. By contrast, civil servants (bureaucrats) are altruistic, honest, and
work for the ‘common good’ rather than their own personal enrichment. This
being the case, it is natural that the civil servants should have the power to
‘regulate’ the businesses of the capitalists, in order to temper their ‘greed’
and ‘protect’ the consumers.
Empirically,
this argument is highly implausible. Monetary reward is not the only thing that
motivates every private businessman,
there are examples of businessmen that pursue extra-commercial objectives such
as giving some of their revenue to charities or a sense of pride in the product
or service they are selling as such, separate from purely monetary
considerations, because they genuinely want to make other people’s lives better
with their product or service. Furthermore, not all civil servants are
motivated purely by ‘altruistic’ or ‘common good’ considerations, they are
after all given a salary and benefits, and some may enjoy wielding power over
other people for its own sake or because they enjoy forcing their own value
judgements onto the unwilling populace by force.
This
implausibility stems from a deeper source than the actual facts of this
particular case though. It stems from the arbitrarily divergent character
assessments of the two groups of people. If you think that humans are generally
altruistic and care about ends that are higher than material rewards, then this
should apply not just to civil servants but also to businessmen. If you think
that humans are generally egotistical and care mainly about material
enrichment, then this should apply not just to businessmen but also to civil
servants. There is no particularly convincing reason why the characteristics of
these two kinds of people would diverge so sharply. Generally, future
businessmen and future civil servants grow up in similar neighbourhoods,
receive similar educations, and are generally both seeking some combination of
material and non-material satisfactions in their professional careers. This
being the case, if one assumes that humans are generally egotistical and
unpleasant, then calling for one group of unscrupulous people with political
power to ‘regulate’ another group of unscrupulous people with money does not
follow. Similarly, if one assumes that humans are generally altruistic and
kind, then the businessmen and consumers won’t need ‘regulating’ because they
will already be pursuing their businesses in an honest fashion, no matter how
altruistic the ‘regulators’ supposedly are.
Generally
though, largely baseless character assessments contribute more confusion than
clarity to social thought. Better to not assume anything about human nature or
human character and just examine the social institutions themselves, regardless
of who is manning them, considering the incentives involved, the goals they can
pursue, and the tools they have to pursue those goals. In this case, better to
consider the bureaucracy as an institution and the profit-and-loss business
economy as an institution, regardless of who you think will become a bureaucrat
or businessman. By doing so, we see that, from the standpoint of the
satisfaction of the demonstrated material desires of the consumers, the
profit-and-loss business economy is superior because of a combination of the
ability to calculate economically when pursuing profit, because of the material
incentives to serve the consumers well, and because of the competition from
other businesses tending to drive up the quality of businesses all around. By
contrast, if, for whatever reason, the social thinker decides that in certain
cases, the will of the bureaucrat or politician (knowing full-well that they
could be either egotistical or altruistic, virtuous or vicious) should replace the
demonstrated material desires of the consumers as an economic guiding force,
then some amount of bureaucracy will be necessary in that area. In so doing,
the argument is moved to a plane where it can be debated rationally and
systematically, and away from a plane where the determining factors in the
argument are conjectural, ephemeral, and largely baseless judgements of the
character of occupants of different social positions.
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