17. Process: Try to isolate and analyze only the ends most
unique to the measure:
For this tip, an example right off
the bat would be best to illustrate the point. Consider the system of
socialized healthcare that currently exists in Canada. If we wish to analyze
the desirability of socialized healthcare, we should try to isolate and analyze
only the ends that are the most unique to socialized healthcare and that cannot
be achieved with less extreme healthcare interventions. What are these ends?
Full government control of the healthcare system and the ability to create a
radically more egalitarian system of healthcare provision are fairly unique to
the socialized model. If supporters of socialized healthcare present these as
the main merits of their system (which they occasionally do), arguing that
government can overcome the ‘inefficient anarchy’ of free-market healthcare
provision with their more efficient central planning and that no one should be
allowed to receive better healthcare than others on account of their ability to
pay more for it, there is no problem. Opponents of socialized healthcare have
two results, full government control of the healthcare system and their ability
to pursue radically egalitarian policies in this industry, that they can then
argue are unfavourable rather than favourable. Opponents could make similar
arguments as they could have made for the case of socialization of the grocery
industry as was presented in tip #15, arguing that government control of
business is incredibly inefficient and that egalitarianism is either not a
valid moral ideal or is not worth the productivity loss as a result of the
killing of incentives to produce that its pursuit entails.
Unfortunately, the debate over
socialized healthcare is not usually constrained to these points. All too
often, supporters of socialized healthcare will confront opponents as follows: 'Government must provide healthcare to all to prevent people from dying in the
streets if they can’t afford to pay the medical fees. You heartless
libertarians don’t care for the plight of the poor, and their blood would be on
your hands'. Of course, there are many good responses for the libertarian to
this contention that in a free-market system, poor people will be dropping dead
in the streets due to lack of proper healthcare. The likelihood that private
charity, once it is no longer being crowded-out by taxation and welfare
services, could help these people is actually quite large. Once government
stops meddling with the healthcare industry and stops backing up the doctors’
restrictive associations, free-market forces are sure to significantly reduce
the cost of healthcare from its current artificially high level. This will
allow more people to access more healthcare services.
The main point is the following
though: this argument, while interesting in its own right, has little to do
with an argument over the desirability of socialized healthcare! While the
principle of social safety net-ism, the principle that the government has the
duty to provide a minimal standard of living to sustain those who cannot make
enough money in the market economy, is a part of the idea of socialized
healthcare, it could easily be pursued by less radical means than the full
socialization of the healthcare industry. It is full government control of the
healthcare industry and radical healthcare egalitarianism that are the ends
fairly unique to socialized healthcare, a discussion of the merits or demerits
of social safety net-ism has little to no place in a debate over socialized
healthcare.
For instance, imagine that the
government did not intervene in the healthcare industry, directly, at all.
Rather, it just provided a general social safety net service for citizens who
could not sustain themselves in the market economy, which would presumably
include the provision of the healthcare services needed to sustain the life of
their wards, provided that the cost was not truly prohibitive, such as for
fancy, experimental treatments. The healthcare system would in no way be
socialized, yet there would also be provisions to ensure that citizens would not drop dead in the streets due to lack of money to pay for healthcare.
Thus, it would appear that the debate about social safety net-ism does not
belong in the debate over the socialization of the healthcare industry, because
less radical means could be adopted that would produce similar results in this
area.
Another example of this would be a
debate on how large the military budget should be. War hawks like to respond to
any proposal to reduce the military budget by stating that such a cut would
fatally undermine the security of the country, after all, surely these people
don’t believe that the military is a useless institution! But when we analyze a
military budget, we see that while each dollar can indeed buy more military
capacity, each dollar is, in most countries, certainly not absolutely necessary
to the security of its citizens. Perhaps the proponents of military budget cuts
don’t particularly care if, for instance, the United States stopped operating
military bases in the Philippines or if they reduced their fleet of air craft
carriers from 100 to 50. Goods are evaluated based on the serviceability of
their marginal units (the least valued unit of a stock of goods or a potential
new unit to be added to a stock with its ability to satisfy a necessarily less
valued desire than the desires satisfied by the current goods in a stock). It
is the valuations of these units that play a role in human choice and human
action, not valuations of entire classes of things such as ‘all the silk in the
world’ versus “all the water in the world”. Thus, the question is not: which is
better, having a military or not having a military? The question is: how much
are we willing to give up for each unit of military service and what functions
should the military be employed for? In this case, only the ends that an
incredibly well-funded military could be used to achieve which an adequately
funded military used mainly for the purposes of actual, physical defense of the
country itself could not achieve should be the ones being debated, not the
desirability of having a military taken as a whole.
18. Do not try to settle arguments by appealing to authority:
An easy, and highly unsatisfactory,
way of avoiding the necessity of defending your point of view in an argument is
to proclaim something like: 'Well, all respectable economists agree with me
that the progressive income tax is a necessary and advantageous policy, your
opposition to it is therefore quite silly'. This settles nothing though. For
one, the other debater could just respond: 'Actually, all respectable
economists believe that the progressive income tax is a foolish and destructive
policy'. But this leads nowhere and the debate is not at all advanced in this
manner. The question is: whose ‘authorities’ are right? The only way of
answering this question is to restate the arguments that these authorities have
made and then use these arguments to make your point. Really, then, the
authorities don’t prove anything. Citing them may be useful in order to employ
their arguments that have perhaps been more thoughtfully formulated than ones
that you could come up with on the spot, but at the end of the day, it is the
arguments, not the authorities, that are pitted against one another.
Excellent tips all! Looking forward to the rest.
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